Plymouth Sutton and Devonport
South West · Borough constituency · Plymouth borough
About the Plymouth Sutton and Devonport constituency
Plymouth Sutton and Devonport is a borough constituency in the South West. The sitting MP is Luke Pollard (Labour (Co-op)), first elected in June 2017. At the 2024 general election, Labour won with 49.4% to 17.7% for Reform UK, a majority of 13,328 votes on a 55.9% turnout. PollCheck's current projection, at the seven-poll average, has Labour on 41.8% and Reform UK on 32.8%, a margin of 9.1 points.
Who lives in Plymouth Sutton and Devonport? Constituency demographics
From the 2021 Census and 2016 EU referendum estimates. Constituency-level data on 2024 boundaries.
How did Plymouth Sutton and Devonport vote in 2024 and how would it vote now?
2024 vote shares from the HoC Library. Current projection is at the 7-poll average.
2024 general election
Current projection
Map of Plymouth Sutton and Devonport
Switch between GE2024 ward winners (modelled estimates, ~4pp average error) and a demographic view from the 2021 Census. Hover any area for detail. How the map is built ›
Plymouth Sutton and Devonport within Plymouth
Plymouth Sutton and Devonport sits entirely within Plymouth Council. The figures below are from the council elections held on 7 May 2026. About this layer ›
Council overlap
| Council | Share of seat | Projection |
|---|---|---|
| Plymouth | 100% | View projection › |
Most recent council ward results
Latest council winner per ward - May 2026 results where the council voted, otherwise the most recent available result. How this table is sourced ›
| Ward | GE2024 winner | Latest council winner | Shift since GE2024 | Turnout |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Compton | Labour 45.4%vs Conservative 22.3% | May 2026 Reform 31.7%vs Labour 27.9% | Labour→Reform +16.5pp | 46.9% |
| Devonport | Labour 51.4%vs Reform 18.2% | May 2026 Reform 40.2%vs Labour 29.0% | Labour→Reform +22.2pp | 32.4% |
| Drake | Labour 46.2%vs Reform 19.5% | May 2026 Green 38.5%vs Labour 30.1% | Labour→Green +21.2pp | 37.5% |
| Efford and Lipson | Labour 51.4%vs Reform 17.8% | May 2026 Reform 40.2%vs Labour 27.6% | Labour→Reform +23.1pp | 37.5% |
| Peverell | Labour 48.8%vs Conservative 24.0% | May 2026 Labour 37.2%vs Reform 28.1% | Labour share -11.7pp | 49.1% |
| St Peter and the Waterfront | Labour 48.1%vs Reform 20.6% | May 2026 Reform 29.4%vs Labour 28.4% | Labour→Reform +14.3pp | 34.7% |
| Stoke | Labour 51.3%vs Reform 17.1% | May 2026 Labour 38.1%vs Reform 29.6% | Labour share -13.1pp | 42.3% |
| Sutton and Mount Gould | Labour 50.7%vs Reform 17.7% | May 2026 Green 40.5%vs Reform 27.3% | Labour→Green +30.3pp | 41.2% |
Projection trajectory
PollCheck's projection for Plymouth Sutton and Devonport at each of the last 60 GB polls. Hover the chart for the underlying poll details.
Who has won Plymouth Sutton and Devonport at past general elections?
2024 and notional 2019 rows are on current boundaries; 2010-2017 rows are on the boundaries in force at the time. More on boundaries ›
| Year | Result | MP | Lab | Con | LD | Majority | Turnout |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2010 | Con gain from Lab | Oliver Colvile | 31.7% | 34.3% | 24.7% | 1,149 | 60.2% |
| 2015 | Con hold | Oliver Colvile | 36.7% | 37.8% | 4.2% | 523 | 65.5%+5.3 |
| 2017 | Lab gain from Con | Luke Pollard | 53.3% | 40.0% | 2.4% | 6,807 | 66.9%+1.4 |
| 2019notional | Labour winner | Luke Pollard 2019 MP, pre-review boundary | 48.4% | 38.0% | 4.9% | 5,122 | 67.0%+0.1 |
| 2024 | Lab hold | Luke Pollard | 49.4% | 16.3% | 5.8% | 13,328 | 55.9%-11.1 |
Earlier years are on pre-2024 boundaries; comparable results on the new boundary will be added when sourced.
Constituencies most like Plymouth Sutton and Devonport
Five seats with similar demographic profiles to Plymouth Sutton and Devonport. Politics shown for context.
- ↓Owner-occupied45.1 / 41.9vs 61.9
- ↑Private rent34.9 / 36.4vs 20.2
- ↑Under 3541.2 / 44.5vs 30.2
- ↑Under 3541.2 / 41.5vs 30.2
- ↓Owner-occupied45.1 / 52.9vs 61.9
- ↓Age 65+16.8 / 17.9vs 22.7
- ↑Private rent34.9 / 31.5vs 20.2
- ↑Under 3541.2 / 37.9vs 30.2
- ↓Owner-occupied45.1 / 55.1vs 61.9
- ↓Owner-occupied45.1 / 50.8vs 61.9
- ↑Under 3541.2 / 38.6vs 30.2
- ↓Age 65+16.8 / 17.6vs 22.7
- ↑Under 3541.2 / 43.9vs 30.2
- ↓Owner-occupied45.1 / 54.0vs 61.9
- ↑Private rent34.9 / 27.6vs 20.2
What would change this seat?
Move the sliders to set national vote shares. The per-seat projection updates live. Reset returns to the current 7-poll average.
Related
Sources
Every figure on this page is computed from the sources below. Read the full methodology ›
Show full source list
- 2024 general election results · UK Parliament Election Results portal and House of Commons Library briefing CBP-10009.
- Notional 2019 results on 2024 boundaries · UK Parliament Election Results portal. Recalculated by Parliament; carries assumptions about how 2019 voters would have distributed across the redrawn boundaries.
- Historic general election results (2010-2017) · House of Commons Library historic results files (on the boundaries in force at the time).
- Ward-level GE2024 estimates · Britain Elects / New Statesman - article by Ben Walker, underlying spreadsheet. Modelled from constituency totals; average ~4pp per-ward MoE.
- May 2026 council ward results · Democracy Club via PollCheck's locals 2026 dataset.
- Earlier council ward results (2014-2024) · DCLEAPIL v1.0 (Jason Leman, drawing on Andrew Teale's LEAP dataset and Democracy Club).
- Demographics · ONS Census 2021 (England and Wales), aggregated to constituency level using the ONS LSOA21 -> PCON24 best-fit lookup.
- EU referendum 2016 estimates · Constituency-level Leave vote estimates (Hanretty 2017 method).
- MP details and Cabinet roles · UK Parliament Members API. MP photos are fetched live from the same source.
- Boundary geometry and lookups · ONS Open Geography Portal (PCON24 boundaries, LSOA21 boundaries, LSOA21-WD24-LAD24 best-fit lookup).
- Current projection and trajectory · PollCheck's demographic swingometer applied to the rolling 7-poll average from aggregated GB polls. Not a true MRP - vote-share movements are applied through per-constituency sensitivity multipliers derived from demographic regressions.
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